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To ask His Majesty's Government what plans they have to issue, under Schedule 6B of the Enterprise Act 2002, a foreign state intervention notice in relation to the sale of the Telegraph Media Group to RedBird Capital Partners.
To ask His Majesty's Government what plans they have to issue, under Schedule 6B of the Enterprise Act 2002, a foreign state intervention notice in relation to the sale of the Telegraph Media Group to RedBird Capital Partners.
The Secretary of State takes her quasi-judicial responsibilities under the Enterprise Act 2002 very seriously. She will take all relevant information available into consideration when determining whether any of the public interest tests or conditions for foreign state influence are met in any proposed purchase of the Telegraph Media Group. DCMS will keep Parliament updated on decisions relating to the transaction.
To ask His Majesty’s Government what consideration they have given to publishing the names of respondents to the consultation on foreign ownership of newspapers, and what assessment they have made of the evidence base provided by the consultation.
To ask His Majesty’s Government what consideration they have given to publishing the names of respondents to the consultation on foreign ownership of newspapers, and what assessment they have made of the evidence base provided by the consultation.
The consultation on the foreign state influence regulations was published on 9 May 2024 by the previous Government. This made it clear that individual responses and organisation names would not be published, but their content would be summarised in the Government’s consultation response. This was published on 15 May 2025. Our assessment of the responses showed that respondents had a strong preference for a higher limit. On 14 July, we published the consultation responses, with appropriate redactions, following a number of FoI requests.
The consultation on the foreign state influence regulations was published on 9 May 2024 by the previous Government. This made it clear that individual responses and organisation names would not be published, but their content would be summarised in the Government’s consultation response. This was published on 15 May 2025. Our assessment of the responses showed that respondents had a strong preference for a higher limit. On 14 July, we published the consultation responses, with appropriate redactions, following a number of FoI requests.
The consultation on the foreign state influence regulations was published on 9 May 2024 by the previous Government. This made it clear that individual responses and organisation names would not be published, but their content would be summarised in the Government’s consultation response. This was published on 15 May 2025. Our assessment of the responses showed that respondents had a strong preference for a higher limit. On 14 July, we published the consultation responses, with appropriate redactions, following a number of FoI requests.
To ask His Majesty’s Government what consideration they have given to publishing the names of respondents to the consultation on foreign ownership of newspapers, and what assessment they have made of the evidence base provided by the consultation.
Although we received four responses to the consultation, they were quite detailed and technical. We have had quite a lot of discussions in your Lordships’ House about the future of media and the need to make sure that we get good funding sources in so that media groups can modernise. It is appropriate that the Government paid account to the media organisations, but, as the noble Lord will be aware, we settled on 15% because this is within the CMA’s views on where it might be appropriate to set things so that there is no inadvertent material influence.
Although we received four responses to the consultation, they were quite detailed and technical. We have had quite a lot of discussions in your Lordships’ House about the future of media and the need to make sure that we get good funding sources in so that media groups can modernise. It is appropriate that the Government paid account to the media organisations, but, as the noble Lord will be aware, we settled on 15% because this is within the CMA’s views on where it might be appropriate to set things so that there is no inadvertent material influence.
I thank the Minister for that Answer and for responding to the issue by publishing the responses. However, only four responses is a very small number, given the widespread interest in the issue and its importance. Although the Government have leaned heavily on the consultation in their explanations for their policy, three of the four responses were from parts of the newspaper sector that might be seeking foreign funds. Should the Government not be listening more widely to the many other voices concerned about potential foreign government ownership of our newspapers?
On the regulations and the exception, I want to be clear: this is a privilege, not a right. It is about passive investment, which is why the level has been set at 15%. The Government have published the second set of regulations today, to put it beyond doubt that multiple states cannot act in concert to take a stake in a UK newspaper that is bigger than 15%. The FSI regime gives the Secretary of State a specific duty to intervene and to refer to the CMA for investigation merger cases that she suspects may have resulted, or may result, in foreign state control or influence over a newspaper enterprise’s policy. So these safeguards are in addition to what we would already consider to be quite clear duties on the part of the Secretary of State.
On the regulations and the exception, I want to be clear: this is a privilege, not a right. It is about passive investment, which is why the level has been set at 15%. The Government have published the second set of regulations today, to put it beyond doubt that multiple states cannot act in concert to take a stake in a UK newspaper that is bigger than 15%. The FSI regime gives the Secretary of State a specific duty to intervene and to refer to the CMA for investigation merger cases that she suspects may have resulted, or may result, in foreign state control or influence over a newspaper enterprise’s policy. So these safeguards are in addition to what we would already consider to be quite clear duties on the part of the Secretary of State.
My Lords, why are the Government inviting the House to vote for secondary legislation that they have now admitted is defective in so far as it allows foreign Governments to own 15% and several foreign Governments collectively to own an additional 15%? Although the Government may have tabled amending legislation today, which will have retrospective effect, what is the reason for the speed of this, and why are the Government using secondary legislation to reverse what was clearly understood before, which is that foreign Governments could not hold stakes in our newspapers and media interests? Now, they are allowing foreign Governments to do so, despite undertakings given when the primary legislation was passed that that would never be allowed.
Media organisations desperately need investment to secure their modernisation and their future. It is really important that these historic or local titles, which we all value, are not something of the past but something of the future. Supporting the provision of high-quality, public-interest journalism is a priority for this Government; we need serious investment in order to support this sector to thrive and to meet the challenges of the future.
Media organisations desperately need investment to secure their modernisation and their future. It is really important that these historic or local titles, which we all value, are not something of the past but something of the future. Supporting the provision of high-quality, public-interest journalism is a priority for this Government; we need serious investment in order to support this sector to thrive and to meet the challenges of the future.
My Lords, we have all experienced the closure of local newspapers and radio stations—a worrying loss to local identity and politics—with those that remain generally having sought a future by being subsumed into a larger group. Does my noble friend the Minister agree that, although foreign investment is not entirely free of risk and should not be seen as a quick fix, unless these foreign companies invest in the future of outlets we all care about, those outlets will continue to lack the certainty and security they seek?
If there were any attempt to intervene in the direction of the newspaper, the Secretary of State would, as I have mentioned, have a specific duty to intervene. We have followed the CMA guidance very closely; I ask your Lordships’ House to note that page 20 of the CMA’s jurisdiction and procedure guidance sets out how the CMA assesses whether material influence arises. Generally, the CMA views shareholdings of below 25% as
“less likely to confer material influence”,
but it may scrutinise shareholdings below this figure to consider whether there are factors that indicate material influence.
As I mentioned, though, we should all be explicitly clear that the foreign state influence regime gives the Secretary of State not just the ability to intervene but an explicit duty to do so: she must intervene and refer to the CMA for investigation merger cases that she suspects may have resulted, or may result, in foreign state control or influence over a newspaper enterprise’s policy.
If there were any attempt to intervene in the direction of the newspaper, the Secretary of State would, as I have mentioned, have a specific duty to intervene. We have followed the CMA guidance very closely; I ask your Lordships’ House to note that page 20 of the CMA’s jurisdiction and procedure guidance sets out how the CMA assesses whether material influence arises. Generally, the CMA views shareholdings of below 25% as
“less likely to confer material influence”,
but it may scrutinise shareholdings below this figure to consider whether there are factors that indicate material influence.
As I mentioned, though, we should all be explicitly clear that the foreign state influence regime gives the Secretary of State not just the ability to intervene but an explicit duty to do so: she must intervene and refer to the CMA for investigation merger cases that she suspects may have resulted, or may result, in foreign state control or influence over a newspaper enterprise’s policy.
My Lords, I note that the strategic defence review lists “efforts to manipulate information” among the methods of attack in any future security crisis. Clearly, the question of foreign influence by hostile states—or “unfriendly” states; they may not necessarily be entirely hostile—is a real issue that the MoD is flagging up as important. We have seen that, in many companies, 15% is enough to ask for a representative on the board. When the Minister says “passive investment”, is she implying that the investment will come without any attempt at all to intervene in the direction of the newspaper?
The Secretary of State does not have to have all the evidence: it is for the CMA to investigate. The regime has a duty to intervene where she suspects that there may be influence. I am happy to provide further information to the noble and learned Baroness, or to meet her and others who have questions about this. The Secretary of State does not have to have material evidence; she just has to have reasonable grounds to suspect that this might be the case. If it were to be the case—for example, if a newspaper took a radically different position or there was a nuance change—it is likely she could intervene in that regard.
The Secretary of State does not have to have all the evidence: it is for the CMA to investigate. The regime has a duty to intervene where she suspects that there may be influence. I am happy to provide further information to the noble and learned Baroness, or to meet her and others who have questions about this. The Secretary of State does not have to have material evidence; she just has to have reasonable grounds to suspect that this might be the case. If it were to be the case—for example, if a newspaper took a radically different position or there was a nuance change—it is likely she could intervene in that regard.
My Lords, how on earth would the Secretary of State know whether a particular individual on a particular committee was influencing that newspaper?
I was not aware of the point that my noble friend raises. I will take that back to the department and write to him in due course.
I was not aware of the point that my noble friend raises. I will take that back to the department and write to him in due course.
My Lords, in terms of media ownership, has the Minister seen that Nigel Farage has increased his shareholding in GB News and apparently has not declared it in his House of Commons declaration of interests? He also presents a programme regularly on GB News which is becoming a Reform UK propaganda organisation. Yet Ofcom is doing nothing about it. Can the Minister’s department ask Ofcom to take an interest in it?
The noble Lord makes many points that sound entirely reasonable. We are clear that we need serious investment in our media and we hope that the certainty that these SIs will provide, albeit with considerable protections around them, will enable media groups to obtain that investment.
The noble Lord makes many points that sound entirely reasonable. We are clear that we need serious investment in our media and we hope that the certainty that these SIs will provide, albeit with considerable protections around them, will enable media groups to obtain that investment.
My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Baroness for the letter that she sent to the noble Lord, Lord Pack, and others who have an interest in this, ahead of this Question, drawing attention to the publication of the consultation documents. It is of course right that the UK has regulatory protections in place for important industries such as our news media, but does she agree that Governments and regulators must exercise those protections
swiftly? Does she accept that long periods of delay and uncertainty harm business confidence and may deter investment from the sorts of people we do want to see investing in the UK?
I would find it very difficult to disagree with my noble friend.
I would find it very difficult to disagree with my noble friend.
My Lords, is it not the case that a lot of our media and our press are controlled by the right wing? Do we not need a regulator that will start to protect the public from the propaganda that we see from the right-wing press on a daily basis?
I find myself having to defend giving good news to your Lordships’ House. I will have to write to the noble Lord on the specific VAT rule that he referred to.
I find myself having to defend giving good news to your Lordships’ House. I will have to write to the noble Lord on the specific VAT rule that he referred to.
My Lords, I welcome the answers that Minister has given, although a few ears will have picked up the word “currently” in her first response. But there are many downsides to reversing the legacy of the noble Lord, Lord Smith of Finsbury. It cuts against the excellent work that the sector has done to widen access, and it erects new barriers. Like other noble Lords, I do not want to see people turned away because they do not have their ID, or people from ethnic minorities challenged about their citizenship. Most of all, it lets politicians, local and national—of all parties—off the hook, when they should value and fund our museums. So might the Minister look at the VAT 33A scheme that her department runs and perhaps give it a more user-friendly name to help promote it? Might she even look at the 1964 Act,
which gives local authorities a duty to deliver comprehensive and efficient library services, and widen that to museums as well?
As the noble Lord is aware, this Government are very supportive of the memorial. It is an MHCLG scheme, and I will have to write to the noble Lord following Questions. He will note that this Government are currently taking the legislation through this House.
As the noble Lord is aware, this Government are very supportive of the memorial. It is an MHCLG scheme, and I will have to write to the noble Lord following Questions. He will note that this Government are currently taking the legislation through this House.
The previous Government committed to giving free entry to the national Holocaust memorial next door in Victoria Tower Gardens. Will the Minister commit to the same?
To ask His Majesty’s Government what plans they have for introducing admission charges to museums and galleries for non-UK residents.
To ask His Majesty’s Government what plans they have for introducing admission charges to museums and galleries for non-UK residents.
The introduction of universal free admission to national museums and galleries was a landmark policy of the previous Labour Government which we do not currently have any plans to change. These museums attract huge numbers of national and international visitors, and they support jobs and investment across the retail, hospitality and leisure sectors. We continue to support these museums in their efforts to broaden access to national collections. That is why the DCMS Secretary of State announced a 5% increase to their funding and £120 million for critical estates maintenance in 2025-26.
The introduction of universal free admission to national museums and galleries was a landmark policy of the previous Labour Government which we do not currently have any plans to change. These museums attract huge numbers of national and international visitors, and they support jobs and investment across the retail, hospitality and leisure sectors. We continue to support these museums in their efforts to broaden access to national collections. That is why the DCMS Secretary of State announced a 5% increase to their funding and £120 million for critical estates maintenance in 2025-26.
The introduction of universal free admission to national museums and galleries was a landmark policy of the previous Labour Government which we do not currently have any plans to change. These museums attract huge numbers of national and international visitors, and they support jobs and investment across the retail, hospitality and leisure sectors. We continue to support these museums in their efforts to broaden access to national collections. That is why the DCMS Secretary of State announced a 5% increase to their funding and £120 million for critical estates maintenance in 2025-26.
To ask His Majesty’s Government what plans they have for introducing admission charges to museums and galleries for non-UK residents.
I am unclear whether I can respond as to how the Louvre is going to do this in practice. I understand that it has a way of checking eligibility. The decision in respect to the Louvre is clearly a decision for it, as it is for other museums—my apologies if I have misunderstood the question. As I said in my initial Answer, we remain proud of the landmark Labour policy, which means that everyone is able to enter our national museums free of charge.
I am unclear whether I can respond as to how the Louvre is going to do this in practice. I understand that it has a way of checking eligibility. The decision in respect to the Louvre is clearly a decision for it, as it is for other museums—my apologies if I have misunderstood the question. As I said in my initial Answer, we remain proud of the landmark Labour policy, which means that everyone is able to enter our national museums free of charge.
I thank the Minister for that Answer and warmly welcome the £270 million announced by the Culture Secretary in her Jennie Lee lecture, including £20 million for renewal of museums across the country. I am glad to hear that there are no plans to change the free admissions policy, a landmark policy of the previous Labour Government. I wonder what the Minister can say about the approach to individual museums which, like the Louvre, the Acropolis and the Met, want to pursue the possibility of charging non-UK residents. Would they be allowed to do it? If so, has the DCMS looked at how they would check for the identities of UK citizens? Would they be checked at the door?
DCMS is committed to working in partnership with councils and local leaders so that residents’ needs are met, but we are also reviewing wider funding structures and addressing challenges across the entire sector. This includes through the review of Arts Council England and the Government’s commitment to restoring stability to local government finances. We really do understand the issues that a number of cultural institutions are facing.
DCMS is committed to working in partnership with councils and local leaders so that residents’ needs are met, but we are also reviewing wider funding structures and addressing challenges across the entire sector. This includes through the review of Arts Council England and the Government’s commitment to restoring stability to local government finances. We really do understand the issues that a number of cultural institutions are facing.
My Lords, I welcome the Answer given by the Minister, but the question I want to ask concerns the £270 million announced to help the arts most in crisis, including our civic museums. How will that money be allotted and distributed? A
test case is surely Cannock Chase’s Museum and Prince of Wales Theatre, which from next year will receive no funding at all from the local district council. Will these institutions and others in similar positions be saved from closure, and how will this be done?
As I said in my initial Answer, we currently have no plans to charge for entry to national museums, but the noble Lord is right about what happens when people visit those museums, particularly those which would potentially see lower visitor numbers if they were not free to enter. I am not going to do a league table of which ones I think that might be. There has currently been no impact assessment or any sort of feasibility study on this, because we do not currently have such plans. However, I entirely anticipate that the huge benefit to museums and galleries of visitors’ spend on retail and hospitality when they go to these museums would be considered.
As I said in my initial Answer, we currently have no plans to charge for entry to national museums, but the noble Lord is right about what happens when people visit those museums, particularly those which would potentially see lower visitor numbers if they were not free to enter. I am not going to do a league table of which ones I think that might be. There has currently been no impact assessment or any sort of feasibility study on this, because we do not currently have such plans. However, I entirely anticipate that the huge benefit to museums and galleries of visitors’ spend on retail and hospitality when they go to these museums would be considered.
My Lords, does the Minister agree that if you start to exclude people from museums, you start to remove their spending in museums’ cafés and gift shops? Can this be an official part of any review of charging structures for entrance to those institutions?
I agree with the caution that the noble Lord expressed. We would have to consider a whole range of issues. This is not to say that we are not always looking at how we can bring more funding into the sector, but anything we do needs to be measured against the disbenefit of any action we might propose.
I agree with the caution that the noble Lord expressed. We would have to consider a whole range of issues. This is not to say that we are not always looking at how we can bring more funding into the sector, but anything we do needs to be measured against the disbenefit of any action we might propose.
My Lords, I declare an interest as a trustee of the National Portrait Gallery. I welcome the Minister’s caution. To me, the biggest challenge, quite apart from the rights and wrongs of a charge in the first place, would be the logistical challenge of separating visitors as they came into the gallery. How on earth do you decide who has to pay and who does not? I suspect that the cost would outweigh any benefits, so I welcome the cautionary notes. However desirable it might be in theory, I do not think it would be realistic in practice.
I am happy to write to the right reverend Prelate with the specifics. It is really welcome that people can go into places of worship for quiet reflection as well as to see the most magnificent structures in the country. I do not have a specific answer to his question, and I will endeavour to write to him.
I am happy to write to the right reverend Prelate with the specifics. It is really welcome that people can go into places of worship for quiet reflection as well as to see the most magnificent structures in the country. I do not have a specific answer to his question, and I will endeavour to write to him.
My Lords, this nation’s cathedrals, while not museums, are among the gems of our heritage—treasure troves of memory, architectural masterpieces, and places where prayer has been valid for centuries. The majority do not charge anyone for entry, because they believe in a theological principle that places of prayer should be free for all. Will the Minister confirm that, when cathedrals that do not charge an entry fee apply for grants from public money, His Majesty’s Government will not penalise them?